Document:LP News 1973 May-June Issue 14: Difference between revisions

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Document:LP News 1973 May-June Issue 14 (view source)

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==LIBERTARIAN PUBLICATIONS RISE AND FALL==
==LIBERTARIAN PUBLICATIONS RISE AND FALL==


From all indications, The Individualist and The New Banner have now gone under, but new publications continue to appear. Some of the more interesting developments: Libertarian Option, a Canadian publication of Objectivist orientation (PO Box 603, Station 11F, 11     Toronto 5, Ontario) discusses the prospects for a Canadian Libertarian Party in its March issue; The Fire Bringer (Box 4749, Colorado Springs CO 80909) resumes publication with a special
From all indications, The Individualist and The New Banner have now gone under, but new publications continue to appear. Some of the more interesting developments: Libertarian Option, a Canadian publication of Objectivist orientation (PO Box 603, Station "F,"     Toronto 5, Ontario) discusses the prospects for a Canadian Libertarian Party in its March issue; The Fire Bringer (Box 4749, Colorado Springs CO 80909) resumes publication with a special
11 St ar Trek" issue; Zeitgeist (Box 1518, Chicago IL 60690) does an excellent job of covering
11th St ar Trek" issue; Zeitgeist (Box 1518, Chicago IL 60690) does an excellent job of covering
the Illinois libertarian scene; New Libertarian Notes (635 E. 11th St. #24, NY NY10009) goes semi-professional, is now the radical libertarian publication; Washington &  Lee University's Commerce Review {Box 215, Lexington VA 24450) debuts with an issue containing pieces by
the Illinois libertarian scene; New Libertarian Notes (635 E. 11th St. #24, NY NY10009) goes semi-professional, is now the radical libertarian publication; Washington &  Lee University's Commerce Review {Box 215, Lexington VA 24450) debuts with an issue containing pieces by
Murray Rothbard & Tony Sutton. All of the above are worth writing for info about.
Murray Rothbard & Tony Sutton. All of the above are worth writing for info about.
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So,  apparently,  the counter-revolution is here. Americans are finally reacting to the excesses of the New Deal Liberal philosophy which reached (we hope) its logical conclusion in the McGovern campaign.
So,  apparently,  the counter-revolution is here. Americans are finally reacting to the excesses of the New Deal Liberal philosophy which reached (we hope) its logical conclusion in the McGovern campaign.


The question is -- how does this affect us? Is this a development to be hailed, or damned? What should we be doing as a result of the emergence of "the new conservatism?" In order to answer these questions, we must first determine precisely what this "new conservatism" is -- how does it differ from the 11 ol d11 conservatism?
The question is -- how does this affect us? Is this a development to be hailed, or damned? What should we be doing as a result of the emergence of "the new conservatism?" In order to answer these questions, we must first determine precisely what this "new conservatism" is -- how does it differ from the "old" conservatism?


The answer to this latter question depends largely on how one defines "old" and "new." For our purposes, h wever, it seems to this writer that we can define the "old" conservatism as the isolationist-abolitionist ideology espoused by people like [[Albert Jay Nock]] and [[Frank Chodorov]] -- the people who opposed Roosevelt's domestic statism and foreign adventurism with equal vigor.
The answer to this latter question depends largely on how one defines "old" and "new." For our purposes, h wever, it seems to this writer that we can define the "old" conservatism as the isolationist-abolitionist ideology espoused by people like [[Albert Jay Nock]] and [[Frank Chodorov]] -- the people who opposed Roosevelt's domestic statism and foreign adventurism with equal vigor.
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This "old"  conservatism gradually fell from favor during WW II and the ColdWar era that followed. By 1960, it had been almost entirely superceded by Buckley-style conservatism -- a potpourri of anti-Communist interventionist bromides in the foreign policy area and pro-economic-freedom stands mixed with anti-civil-liberties stands on domestic issues.
This "old"  conservatism gradually fell from favor during WW II and the ColdWar era that followed. By 1960, it had been almost entirely superceded by Buckley-style conservatism -- a potpourri of anti-Communist interventionist bromides in the foreign policy area and pro-economic-freedom stands mixed with anti-civil-liberties stands on domestic issues.


This "new"  conservatism carried within it a terrible contradiction; namely, the conflict between the theoretical devotion to freedom (at least in the economic sphere) and the 11 gut II   anti-Communism. Unfortunately, the latter almost always triumphed, and thus the 11 new 11 Conservative of ten to 15 years ago almost always wound up on the side of the big-budget, anti-free-speech forces in any debate.
This "new"  conservatism carried within it a terrible contradiction; namely, the conflict between the theoretical devotion to freedom (at least in the economic sphere) and the "gut"   anti-Communism. Unfortunately, the latter almost always triumphed, and thus the "new" Conservative of ten to 15 years ago almost always wound up on the side of the big-budget, anti-free-speech forces in any debate.


Not all Conservatives succumbed to this new orthodoxy; a fair number resisted the notion that in order to defeat 11them 11 we needed to become like "them." Among those who stuck fairly close to the "old" line are [[Willis Stone]], [[Vivien Kellems]], and (to a somewhat lesser extent) [[Robert Welch]]; large remnants of the "old" Right philosophy can still be found (in diluted and impure form) in the Birch Society sector of the American Right. Some leaders in this sector have gone so far as to state that Communism is largely a hoax, set up to scare Americans into accepting socialistic or fascistic rule at home.
Not all Conservatives succumbed to this new orthodoxy; a fair number resisted the notion that in order to defeat "them" we needed to become like "them." Among those who stuck fairly close to the "old" line are [[Willis Stone]], [[Vivien Kellems]], and (to a somewhat lesser extent) [[Robert Welch]]; large remnants of the "old" Right philosophy can still be found (in diluted and impure form) in the Birch Society sector of the American Right. Some leaders in this sector have gone so far as to state that Communism is largely a hoax, set up to scare Americans into accepting socialistic or fascistic rule at home.


Despite the efforts of the "old" conservatives, however, the 11new 11 conservatism gradually became the dominant force on the Right in America. And thus, when young people of libertarian inclinations were seeking a political "home" in the early 1960's, it was to the "new conservatives" that they were first attracted -- most notably [[Young Americans for Freedom|YAF]] and its allied organizations.
Despite the efforts of the "old" conservatives, however, the "new" conservatism gradually became the dominant force on the Right in America. And thus, when young people of libertarian inclinations were seeking a political "home" in the early 1960's, it was to the "new conservatives" that they were first attracted -- most notably [[Young Americans for Freedom|YAF]] and its allied organizations.


This alliance was tenable at that time; there was a common enemy (Kennedy) at home, and domestic issues were dominant; libertarians and Buckley conservatives could work together in harmony, opposing MediCare, AID and so forth.
This alliance was tenable at that time; there was a common enemy (Kennedy) at home, and domestic issues were dominant; libertarians and Buckley conservatives could work together in harmony, opposing MediCare, AID and so forth.


Since then, libertarianism and conservatism have been diverging, ever more widely and ever more rapidly. The Vietnam war brought out the rabid interventionist streak in the Buckleyites (and helped drive wedges between them and both libertarians and 11 old 11 conservatives). And the shift in domestic issues from economic to social (e.g. drugs, the 11 hi p11 lifestyle, and sex-related questions like censorship and abortion) has put libertarians . inc reasingly on the opposite side of public debates from conservatives of all stripes.
Since then, libertarianism and conservatism have been diverging, ever more widely and ever more rapidly. The Vietnam war brought out the rabid interventionist streak in the Buckleyites (and helped drive wedges between them and both libertarians and "old" conservatives). And the shift in domestic issues from economic to social (e.g. drugs, the "hip" lifestyle, and sex-related questions like censorship and abortion) has put libertarians . inc reasingly on the opposite side of public debates from conservatives of all stripes.


Today, the "new" conservatives have finally begun to win public acceptance for themselves but for precisely the wrong reasons; from our viewpoint. They are winning support, not for their economic views (with which we largely agree), but tor their social stands. What's even worse, they seem to be willing to abandon or largely soft-pedal their economic views in order to get support for their social stands.
Today, the "new" conservatives have finally begun to win public acceptance for themselves but for precisely the wrong reasons; from our viewpoint. They are winning support, not for their economic views (with which we largely agree), but tor their social stands. What's even worse, they seem to be willing to abandon or largely soft-pedal their economic views in order to get support for their social stands.
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As far as tactics are concerned, it would seem that our best approach is to emphasize our consistency -- our advocacy of freedom in all spheres. Let 1 s face it; this is what makes us unique, and is basically the only thing we have to offer. If someone is interested only in some kinds of freedom, and is even opposed to other kinds of freedom, he (or she) isn't much of a prospect for us.
As far as tactics are concerned, it would seem that our best approach is to emphasize our consistency -- our advocacy of freedom in all spheres. Let 1 s face it; this is what makes us unique, and is basically the only thing we have to offer. If someone is interested only in some kinds of freedom, and is even opposed to other kinds of freedom, he (or she) isn't much of a prospect for us.


For years,  liberals  and conservatives have been getting elected by saying to people "Vote for me; if I'm elected, I'11 screw all those other guys for your benefit. I'11 outlaw the things you don't like, and take other peoples' money and spend it on things you want."
For years,  liberals  and conservatives have been getting elected by saying to people "Vote for me; if I'm elected, I'll screw all those other guys for your benefit. I'll outlaw the things you don't like, and take other peoples' money and spend it on things you want."


And for years, people have been buying this line. At last, however, they've begun to catch on that a lot of the time they are the ones getting shafted. That Left Minus Right does indeed equal Zero.
And for years, people have been buying this line. At last, however, they've begun to catch on that a lot of the time they are the ones getting shafted. That Left Minus Right does indeed equal Zero.
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=SURVEY=
=SURVEY=
At the National ExecComm meeting in June, we will be deciding how we should allocate our advertising budget for the second half of 1973, For this reason, we would greatly appreciate your listing below all publications you read regularly and thoroughly, excluding 11 movement 11     publications and those of a strictly local nature (e.g. newspapers).
At the National ExecComm meeting in June, we will be deciding how we should allocate our advertising budget for the second half of 1973, For this reason, we would greatly appreciate your listing below all publications you read regularly and thoroughly, excluding "movement"     publications and those of a strictly local nature (e.g. newspapers).
Please include all publications other than these two categories -- even "special interest 11    magazines; and don't be embarrassed to admit what you really read; you're not required to sign the form.
Please include all publications other than these two categories -- even "special interest"    magazines; and don't be embarrassed to admit what you really read; you're not required to sign the form.
Because we need this information in time to tabulate the results and make calculations before the June ExecComm meeting, we would apprecaite your sending in your questionnaire as possible.
Because we need this information in time to tabulate the results and make calculations before the June ExecComm meeting, we would apprecaite your sending in your questionnaire as possible.


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